Και συνέχισε λέγοντας: «Θα σας το πω με δύο τρόπους μήπως και δεν το καταλάβετε. Vini Vidi Vici, δηλαδή με λασπολογήσατε, με συκοφαντήσατε, με φιμώσατε, σας νίκησα. Νίκησα τα πορνοκάναλα που με φίμωναν και μετά τις δυο έβαζαν τσόντες και παράνομες αισχρές διαφημίσεις. Αφιερώνω τη νίκη στα παιδιά με τα μαύρα μπλουζάκια που κρατούν ελληνικές σημαίες. Ερχόμαστε, ο αγώνας συνεχίζεται και μέσα και έξω από τη βουλή».
Oι Ζαιοναζί εφαρμόζουν κατα γράμμα του playbook του εθνολαϊκισμού. Από το Populist Political Communication in Europe
Edited By Toril Aalberg, Frank Esser, Carsten Reinemann, Jesper Stromback, Claes De Vreese, 1st Edition,2016,New York,Routledge
Populism and Media Criticism
Ερώτηση PEGIDAHowever, populist actors retaliate in their fight against the media.....criticism against dominant media belongs to the standard repertoire of populist parties. The media are discredited by allegedly being part of the elite and being servants of the political establishment. Populists enjoy playing up the argument that the established parties have not given up their attempts to influence public broadcasters by squabbling over influential positions; they paint the mainstream media as closely interlinked with the political and business elites, with the media receiving information and striking deals. These ties are seen as undermining the media’s legitimacy, trustworthiness, and claims to objectivity.
New Media and PopulismAn increasingly frequent allegation mentioned in Chapter 9 (‘Germany’) serves as an illustrative example—namely, the allegation of the “liar press,” a phrase harking back to the Nazis and regularly shouted by protesters at rallies of the populist anti-immigrant movement PEGIDA. The Italian 5 Star Movement and the French Front National are described in Chapters 14 and 17 as overtly adversarial toward journalists. In Norway, the most successful Facebook posts of the Progress Party’s leader are those in which she criticizes the mainstream media for misrepresenting her party’s agenda (which allegedly puts ordinary people first). With regard to Switzerland, we have already mentioned how the Swiss People’s Party takes advantage of media criticism by, in turn, criticizing the media itself. A popular measure by Belgium’s Vlaams Belang is making legal complaints against public broadcasters, whereas in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the threats against unfavorable media seem to go even further. In sum, criticism of the media is an important rhetorical element of populist actors. Little is known of how news organizations effectively counter populist rhetoric.
GreeceDue to the disapproving attitude of many right-wing populist parties toward the so-called established journalism of the mainstream media, new nline platform services and social media networks continue to gain in importance. They make it possible to directly communicate with sympathetic udiences while sidestepping traditional news channels.
The current national crisis in Greece favors the spread of conspiracy theories and radical viewpoints, a situation which drastically improves the chances for populist movements to flourish. Both the media in Greece and the media abroad played a key role in the success of Alexis Tsiparas’s SYRIZA movement. The foreign media had accused Tsiparas of a populist strategy even prior to his first election, without having had any negative influence on his position at home. Mazzoleni has argued that political malaise is a common condition for the growth of anti-political sentiments: “The media do play a role in disseminating it, either by simply keeping it on a country’s public agenda, or by spreading political mistrust and a
mood of fatalistic disengagement—all elements that can be easily and promptly exploited by populist politicians” (2008, p. 50).