Υπόθεση Τζορτζ Φλόιντ

[Στρακαστρουκας]

Είχαν όμως κόντρα για το παλαιστηνιακό. Κια μην το ψάχνεις. Δες τα ελληνοτουρκικά. Η Τουρκία κατέχει έδαφος της Κύπρου, γεγονός εχθρικό για την Ελλάδα, αμφισβητεί εδώ και δεκαετίες τα σύνορα στο Αιγαίο, έχουν φτάσει στα πρόθυρα πολέμου με τα Ίμια, αλλά οι ΗΠΑ έχουν αμφότερες τις χώρες συμμάχους.

Όταν οι Αμερικάνοι ζήτησαν απο τους Ισραηλινούς να βοηθήσουν τους μουτζαχεντίν στο Αφγανιστάν, οι Ισραηλινοί αρχικά φάνηκαν διστακτικοί, επειδή οι μουτζαχεντίν υποστηριζόντουσαν απο τους Σαουδάραβες. Τελικά όμως, τους έπεισαν.

Ειχαν και εχουν κοντρα για το Παλαιστινιακο. Η Σαουδικη Αραβια δεν αναγνωριζει το Ισραηλ. Οσο δε για τους μουτζαχεντιν, το Ισραηλ δεν ειχε κανενα λογο στην υποθεση αυτη. Οι Σαουδαραβες συνεργαστηκαν με τις ΗΠΑ και το ανταλλαγμα ηταν η αναγνωριση της PLO απο τις ΗΠΑ, παρα την εντονη αντιδραση του φιλοισραηλινου λομπι

[Awesomatic]

let's get to work!

SpoilerShow

As millions of people across the country take to the streets and raise their voices in response to the killing of George Floyd and the ongoing problem of unequal justice, many people have reached out asking how we can sustain momentum to bring about real change.

Ultimately, it’s going to be up to a new generation of activists to shape strategies that best fit the times. But I believe there are some basic lessons to draw from past efforts that are worth remembering.

First, the waves of protests across the country represent a genuine and legitimate frustration over a decades-long failure to reform police practices and the broader criminal justice system in the United States. The overwhelming majority of participants have been peaceful, courageous, responsible, and inspiring. They deserve our respect and support, not condemnation — something that police in cities like Camden and Flint have commendably understood.

On the other hand, the small minority of folks who’ve resorted to violence in various forms, whether out of genuine anger or mere opportunism, are putting innocent people at risk, compounding the destruction of neighborhoods that are often already short on services and investment and detracting from the larger cause. I saw an elderly black woman being interviewed today in tears because the only grocery store in her neighborhood had been trashed. If history is any guide, that store may take years to come back. So let’s not excuse violence, or rationalize it, or participate in it. If we want our criminal justice system, and American society at large, to operate on a higher ethical code, then we have to model that code ourselves.

Second, I’ve heard some suggest that the recurrent problem of racial bias in our criminal justice system proves that only protests and direct action can bring about change, and that voting and participation in electoral politics is a waste of time. I couldn’t disagree more. The point of protest is to raise public awareness, to put a spotlight on injustice, and to make the powers that be uncomfortable; in fact, throughout American history, it’s often only been in response to protests and civil disobedience that the political system has even paid attention to marginalized communities. But eventually, aspirations have to be translated into specific laws and institutional practices — and in a democracy, that only happens when we elect government officials who are responsive to our demands.

Moreover, it’s important for us to understand which levels of government have the biggest impact on our criminal justice system and police practices. When we think about politics, a lot of us focus only on the presidency and the federal government. And yes, we should be fighting to make sure that we have a president, a Congress, a U.S. Justice Department, and a federal judiciary that actually recognize the ongoing, corrosive role that racism plays in our society and want to do something about it. But the elected officials who matter most in reforming police departments and the criminal justice system work at the state and local levels.

It’s mayors and county executives that appoint most police chiefs and negotiate collective bargaining agreements with police unions. It’s district attorneys and state’s attorneys that decide whether or not to investigate and ultimately charge those involved in police misconduct. Those are all elected positions. In some places, police review boards with the power to monitor police conduct are elected as well. Unfortunately, voter turnout in these local races is usually pitifully low, especially among young people — which makes no sense given the direct impact these offices have on social justice issues, not to mention the fact that who wins and who loses those seats is often determined by just a few thousand, or even a few hundred, votes.

So the bottom line is this: if we want to bring about real change, then the choice isn’t between protest and politics. We have to do both. We have to mobilize to raise awareness, and we have to organize and cast our ballots to make sure that we elect candidates who will act on reform.

Finally, the more specific we can make demands for criminal justice and police reform, the harder it will be for elected officials to just offer lip service to the cause and then fall back into business as usual once protests have gone away. The content of that reform agenda will be different for various communities. A big city may need one set of reforms; a rural community may need another. Some agencies will require wholesale rehabilitation; others should make minor improvements. Every law enforcement agency should have clear policies, including an independent body that conducts investigations of alleged misconduct. Tailoring reforms for each community will require local activists and organizations to do their research and educate fellow citizens in their community on what strategies work best.

But as a starting point, here’s a report and toolkit developed by the Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights and based on the work of the Task Force on 21st Century Policing that I formed when I was in the White House. And if you’re interested in taking concrete action, we’ve also created a dedicated site at the Obama Foundation to aggregate and direct you to useful resources and organizations who’ve been fighting the good fight at the local and national levels for years.

I recognize that these past few months have been hard and dispiriting — that the fear, sorrow, uncertainty, and hardship of a pandemic have been compounded by tragic reminders that prejudice and inequality still shape so much of American life. But watching the heightened activism of young people in recent weeks, of every race and every station, makes me hopeful. If, going forward, we can channel our justifiable anger into peaceful, sustained, and effective action, then this moment can be a real turning point in our nation’s long journey to live up to our highest ideals.

Let’s get to work.

Δεν τους βγήκε η καθαίρεση, δεν τους βγήκαν τα ουρλιαχτά για τη διαχείριση του ιου και αρχισαν τώρα με τις ευλογίες του CNN και του MSNBC να καίνε τα πάντα με αφορμή τη δολοφονία πιστεύοντας ότι έτσι θα ρίξουν τον Τραμπ και θα γυρίσουν στην εξουσία

Δεν είναι τυχαίο ότι τα χειρότερα επεισόδια γίνονται στις πολιτείες που ελέγχουν δημοκρατικοί.

[Otto Weininger]

[Highlander]

let's get to work!

SpoilerShow

As millions of people across the country take to the streets and raise their voices in response to the killing of George Floyd and the ongoing problem of unequal justice, many people have reached out asking how we can sustain momentum to bring about real change.

Ultimately, it’s going to be up to a new generation of activists to shape strategies that best fit the times. But I believe there are some basic lessons to draw from past efforts that are worth remembering.

First, the waves of protests across the country represent a genuine and legitimate frustration over a decades-long failure to reform police practices and the broader criminal justice system in the United States. The overwhelming majority of participants have been peaceful, courageous, responsible, and inspiring. They deserve our respect and support, not condemnation — something that police in cities like Camden and Flint have commendably understood.

On the other hand, the small minority of folks who’ve resorted to violence in various forms, whether out of genuine anger or mere opportunism, are putting innocent people at risk, compounding the destruction of neighborhoods that are often already short on services and investment and detracting from the larger cause. I saw an elderly black woman being interviewed today in tears because the only grocery store in her neighborhood had been trashed. If history is any guide, that store may take years to come back. So let’s not excuse violence, or rationalize it, or participate in it. If we want our criminal justice system, and American society at large, to operate on a higher ethical code, then we have to model that code ourselves.

Second, I’ve heard some suggest that the recurrent problem of racial bias in our criminal justice system proves that only protests and direct action can bring about change, and that voting and participation in electoral politics is a waste of time. I couldn’t disagree more. The point of protest is to raise public awareness, to put a spotlight on injustice, and to make the powers that be uncomfortable; in fact, throughout American history, it’s often only been in response to protests and civil disobedience that the political system has even paid attention to marginalized communities. But eventually, aspirations have to be translated into specific laws and institutional practices — and in a democracy, that only happens when we elect government officials who are responsive to our demands.

Moreover, it’s important for us to understand which levels of government have the biggest impact on our criminal justice system and police practices. When we think about politics, a lot of us focus only on the presidency and the federal government. And yes, we should be fighting to make sure that we have a president, a Congress, a U.S. Justice Department, and a federal judiciary that actually recognize the ongoing, corrosive role that racism plays in our society and want to do something about it. But the elected officials who matter most in reforming police departments and the criminal justice system work at the state and local levels.

It’s mayors and county executives that appoint most police chiefs and negotiate collective bargaining agreements with police unions. It’s district attorneys and state’s attorneys that decide whether or not to investigate and ultimately charge those involved in police misconduct. Those are all elected positions. In some places, police review boards with the power to monitor police conduct are elected as well. Unfortunately, voter turnout in these local races is usually pitifully low, especially among young people — which makes no sense given the direct impact these offices have on social justice issues, not to mention the fact that who wins and who loses those seats is often determined by just a few thousand, or even a few hundred, votes.

So the bottom line is this: if we want to bring about real change, then the choice isn’t between protest and politics. We have to do both. We have to mobilize to raise awareness, and we have to organize and cast our ballots to make sure that we elect candidates who will act on reform.

Finally, the more specific we can make demands for criminal justice and police reform, the harder it will be for elected officials to just offer lip service to the cause and then fall back into business as usual once protests have gone away. The content of that reform agenda will be different for various communities. A big city may need one set of reforms; a rural community may need another. Some agencies will require wholesale rehabilitation; others should make minor improvements. Every law enforcement agency should have clear policies, including an independent body that conducts investigations of alleged misconduct. Tailoring reforms for each community will require local activists and organizations to do their research and educate fellow citizens in their community on what strategies work best.

But as a starting point, here’s a report and toolkit developed by the Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights and based on the work of the Task Force on 21st Century Policing that I formed when I was in the White House. And if you’re interested in taking concrete action, we’ve also created a dedicated site at the Obama Foundation to aggregate and direct you to useful resources and organizations who’ve been fighting the good fight at the local and national levels for years.

I recognize that these past few months have been hard and dispiriting — that the fear, sorrow, uncertainty, and hardship of a pandemic have been compounded by tragic reminders that prejudice and inequality still shape so much of American life. But watching the heightened activism of young people in recent weeks, of every race and every station, makes me hopeful. If, going forward, we can channel our justifiable anger into peaceful, sustained, and effective action, then this moment can be a real turning point in our nation’s long journey to live up to our highest ideals.

Let’s get to work.

Δεν τους βγήκε η καθαίρεση, δεν τους βγήκαν τα ουρλιαχτά για τη διαχείριση του ιου και αρχισαν τώρα με τις ευλογίες του CNN και του MSNBC να καίνε τα πάντα με αφορμή τη δολοφονία πιστεύοντας ότι έτσι θα ρίξουν τον Τραμπ και θα γυρίσουν στην εξουσία

Δεν είναι τυχαίο ότι τα χειρότερα επεισόδια γίνονται στις πολιτείες που ελέγχουν δημοκρατικοί.

1) Ο κόσμος είναι πολύ δυσαρεστημένος από τη διαχείριση του κορωνοιου από τον Τραμπ.
2) Το ότι χειρότερα επεισόδια γίνονται σε πολιτείες που εκλέγουν δημοκρατικούς, δεν οφείλεται σε κάποιο σκοτεινό σχέδιο των δημοκρατικών, αλλά στο ότι εκεί υπάρχουν περισσότεροι αντιτραμπικοι και περισσότερα μέλη μειονοτήτων, άρα και η αντίδραση είναι μεγαλύτερη.

[sloopy]

Για να καταλάβετε πόσο επικίνδυνος είναι ο Τράμπ και το Αμερικανικο καθεστώς ,έχει δεχτεί θετικά σχόλια από την Δεξια των Αδωνι Γεωργιάδη, Ραχηλ Μακρή και την αριστερα του Αλέξη Τσίπρα

[Γάταρος]

Όπως έγραψε και κάποιος στο twitter, τι απ' όλα αυτά δεν κάνει ο Μαδούρο καθημερινά;

[Gewponos90]

Κάποιοι θεωρούν ότι η Μινεάπολη κείται μακράν.
Τους θυμίζουμε ότι εξίσου μακριά βρίσκεται η Wuhan
Οι καπιταλιστές μας πούλησαν τα κινητά που θα αποτυπώσουν τη συντριβή τους.

Άντε καλέ που υπάρχουν μυστικοί αστυνομικοί στις πορείες..

[Εμπεδοκλής]

Αυτοκίνητα της αστυνομίας έπεσαν πάνω σε διαδηλωτές στην Νέα Υόρκη.
Αυτό το American Dream θέλει να το ζήσει κάθε άνθρωπος που εκτιμάει και σέβεται την μητρόπολη του Καπιταλισμού και της ...Δημοκρατιας

Θα είχαν μαύρους οδηγούς, διότι οι μπαχαλάκηδες στη φωτογραφία είναι όλοι λευκοί...

[πατησιωτης]

Από το λινκ που έβαλα για το Σαββατοκύριακο σε τραμπικές περιοχές.

Now seems like a good time to tell you about my weekend…

Out here in the sticks — you know, Rural America, that place you oh-so sophisticated Blue State Dwellers call the hinterlands, it was — no joke — the most beautiful weekend of the year. It was just perfect, and everyone in my neighborhood mowed their lawns and grilled meat while the kids rode bikes… I topped my Saturday night with a good book and a Pabst Blue Ribbon tallboy on the porch followed by a Western on my 60-inch plasma. I then went to bed with the windows open so my wife and I could fall asleep to the sound of crickets and the smell of freshly cut grass. And I did it all again on Sunday (except I watched a war movie instead of a Western)…

Now, I’m no idiot. There are always two loaded firearms within reach of my bed. But that’s about preparation, not fear, and if Antifa (or anyone) is ever stupid enough to move their marauding to my neck of the woods, all they’re going to discover are alert dogs, security lights, and patriots who believe in the Second Amendment.

But Antifa knows that, which is why they don’t come here…

Antifa’s not stupid. You are.

[Manolis]

φασιστοτραμπ

[Manolis]

Να το πάρει όπως είναι ο μαλάκας ο Γάταρος και να το βάλει στον κώλο του, που έλεγε κι όλας ότι ο Floyd αντιστεκόταν.

Διάβαζε τις σελίδες πριν σχολιάσεις ρε ζώο, το σχολίασα το βίντεο και στο 3.07 φαίνεται ξεκάθαρα ότι ξεκινάει ν' αντιστέκεται.

ό,τι να ναι γράφει ο καθένας

που το είδες αυτό???

[Γάταρος]

Διάβαζε τις σελίδες πριν σχολιάσεις ρε ζώο, το σχολίασα το βίντεο και στο 3.07 φαίνεται ξεκάθαρα ότι ξεκινάει ν' αντιστέκεται.

ό,τι να ναι γράφει ο καθένας

που το είδες αυτό???

Άνοιξε τα μάτια σου κι ατένισε τον κόσμο, γιατί ήδη έγραψα στο 3.07.

[Manolis]

Διάβαζε τις σελίδες πριν σχολιάσεις ρε ζώο, το σχολίασα το βίντεο και στο 3.07 φαίνεται ξεκάθαρα ότι ξεκινάει ν' αντιστέκεται.

ό,τι να ναι γράφει ο καθένας

που το είδες αυτό???

Άνοιξε τα μάτια σου κι ατένισε τον κόσμο, γιατί ήδη έγραψα στο 3.07.

δεν φαίνεται καμία αντίσταση ούτε φυσικά στο υπόλοιπο βίντεο που τον πατάει ο φονιάς ενώ του λέει δεν μπορώ να αναπνεύσω πολλαπλές φορές.

[Γάταρος]

Και νωρίτερα δεν φαίνεται πολύ πρόθυμος να βγει από το αμάξι αλλά οι NYT κόβουν το βίντεο οπότε δεν βλέπουμε τι έγινε.

[Γάταρος]

δεν φαίνεται καμία αντίσταση ούτε φυσικά στο υπόλοιπο βίντεο που τον πατάει ο φονιάς ενώ του λέει δεν μπορώ να αναπνεύσω πολλαπλές φορές.

Στο 3.07 σωριάζεται στο έδαφος και ξεκινάει ν' αντιστέκεται ενώ οι αστυνομικοί προσπαθούν να τον βάλουν στο αυτοκίνητο. Ξέρω από μοντάζ και οι μαλακίες του NYT δεν μπορούν να μ' επηρεάσουν.